Vigil to defend #ESA #WCA court decision in favour of mental health claimants

From Black Triangle and Paula Peters:

On Monday 21 October to Tuesday 22 October 2013m the Judical Review Appeal for the Atos WCA for mental health claimants will be heard at the Royal Courts of Justice room 72 in London.

The Mental Health Resistance Network, who brought this Judicial Reivew to court, have called a vigil for Monday 21 October 2013 at the front entrance of the Royal Courts of Justice at 12 noon until 2pm on the first day of the court case.

The MHRN has asked that people bring white flowers with them as a mark of respect for all the human beings who have lost their lives within six weeks of their ESA claim being unjustly ended. Continue reading

The bedroom tax, austerity and smackdown by the political class

No surprise at all this weekend to find a well-heeled politico like Rachel Reeves peddling the notion that people who have the least owe society the most – and must be made to pay it. Absolutely everyone who is anyone is on that bandwagon now. Wherever you look (and I look in lots of places), you find variations on the Reeves theme: that people who don’t have money could and should rise to the costs and hardships imposed on them by a vicious ruling elite.

And here is an example. I’ve been wanting to write something on this one for a while.

A month or so ago, someone sent me a link to this story. It’s a story about South Liverpool Homes’ “radical” (their funky word) plan to cap the bedroom tax for SLH bedroom tax tenants who agreed to take part in an A4e “Employability Training Programme.” In other words – SLH would cap the bedroom tax for people who were on jobseekers’ allowance, or employment and support allowance, if those people participated in a course that would supposedly help them find work and then to pay the tax.

So.

This is a nasty little notion. It suggests that the bedroom tax could be paid and even would be paid, if only social housing tenants got off their arses. It suggests that the bedroom tax is not a policy to be fought. Instead, it is a price to be paid. The whole thing of course comes couched in the uber-bright, if brittle, work-makes-you-free liberation-language that sets the tone for so much of today’s grisly political discourse. We have someone called Wayne Gales, Director of Operations at South Liverpool Homes, feeling “really excited to be able to offer this fantastic opportunity for tenants… Supporting tenants to get back into work so that they are no longer affected by this unfair tax is really important and we hope that through this ongoing initiative we can really make a difference, thus a win-win situation for everyone.” Of course, the thrilled Wayne et al “continue to lobby against the bedroom tax and are doing everything we can to support those who are affected,” but – yeah. Readers of this site will know that I’ve had my doubts about that side of things for a while. Certainly, I’ve spoken to SLH tenants who aren’t exactly feeling the love – from any direction. Earlier this year, they told me that they were doorstepped for bedroom tax money only a month after the tax was introduced. They are also wondering what they’ll do now that their discretionary housing payments have run out and their new DHP applications have been refused. “The local authority feels you’ve had sufficient time to make alternative arrangements to enable you to meet your shortfall,” these refusal letters say (Liverpool City Council hands out the DHPs). You get my point. There’s not a lot of win-win going on here.

Of course – there won’t be much win-win for any us if the political class is allowed to keep spreading the loathsome idea that some people deserve life’s essentials more than others. Because that is the subtext of “initiatives” like this SLH one. And it’s an ideology that will end up taking us all out. It says that people will be helped if – and only if – they meet a narrowing set of criteria set out by the political class. It says that the vicious ruling elite isn’t responsible for the vile policies it imposes on people – the people on the receiving end of those policies are responsible. This sort of “initiative” absolutely absolves the political class. Never lose sight of that point. That is the point to fear.

Basically, what we’re hearing from SLH is that people are more deserving of a place to live if they work. We’re not hearing much about the ongoing chances of people who can’t. The whole thing assumes, too, that an A4e programme would actually help people into work – something that I absolutely would not assume, given A4E’s pisspoor results in that field, particularly in Merseyside. The results of the SLH “initiative” to date make interesting reading. Vaguely. SLH says it recruited seven people to the first course several months ago and that precisely none of the four who completed it went onto paid employment. Nonetheless, the future is perceived to be bright. For A4e, at least. Twelve people will start an October course and the aim is to sweep more into A4e’s net: “Moving forward and assuming we can demonstrate meaningful outcomes, its ambition is to expand capacity to offer similar support to all interested tenants, not only those affected by the bedroom tax.”

Right. SLH says that “there are no intentions” to make attendance at such courses a condition of tenancy, but I like to keep an open mind on these things. A very open mind. I think I’d even take bets on all this. As everyone knows, endless conditions are being attached to the receipt of measly JSA payments now and Osborne has plenty more to come. I can absolutely see a future where everyone has to beg and grovel for any sort of accommodation. Except those who are setting the pace, of course. Let’s not forget that all this “people on benefits must pay” and “you lot must work and in crap jobs for rubbish pay” stuff is happening as the real thieves openly take the piss. “The amount of tax lost through non-payment and avoidance increased last year to £35bn, according to official figures released on Friday,” the Guardian tells us. Wonder where they all live.

“I can’t visualise a life without that care support”: vigil to save the Independent Living Fund.

Callout from Disabled People Against Cuts:

Video: Mary Laver (who was an Olympic torchbearer last year) requires round-the-clock care assistance, because of her severe arthritis. She explains why the Independent Living Fund is so vital to paying for her carers.

Join Disabled People Against Cuts tomorrow (Monday October 14) in support of disabled claimants challenging the government’s consultation on the closure of the Independent Living Fund. The vigil and press call will take place from 12.30pm outside front entrance Royal Courts of Justice, the Strand, London, WC2A 2LL

On Monday, the Court of Appeal will be asked to overturn the decision of the High Court handed down in April that found that the consultation had been lawful and the Department for Work and Pensions had met the Public Sector Equality Duty.

The ILF was set up in 1988 to support disabled people with the highest levels of support need to live in the community. Since then it has helped thousands to live active and full lives. Continue reading

Long term unemployment: four people in their own words. And why the word “vulnerable” needs to go.

Below, I’ve posted four transcripts from interviews I’ve done with people who’ve been unemployed for several years. (Update 3 October – 5 interviews now as I’ve added another).

But a small rant first:

One of the reasons I’m posting these transcripts is that in the last week especially, we’ve not heard enough from people who’ve actually experienced long-term unemployment. We’ve heard from people who have a lot to say (and who are paid to say it) about people who are unemployed, but I feel that we could do with more from people who know the experience.

I also feel that we need to get away from some of the language that the media class uses to describe people who have these experiences. We definitely need to get away from words like “scrounger” and “workshy.” We definitely need that. But there are days (this is one) when I feel that we also need to get away from some of the crap that the so-called liberal media sprays around.

One thing I dislike, for example, is the use of words like “vulnerable” and “the poor” in reporting on people affected by austerity. (George Monbiot will even run to “the very poor” when he gets a tail wind).

I find the word “vulnerable” particularly tiring. I used it myself to begin with and then I got very tired of it. It’s patronising from that end. It sets people apart as victims – people whose life fortunes must always turn on the actions and philanthropy of the sort of well-appointed journos, etc, who like to use words like “vulnerable.” It sets people apart as Others and as objects for a bit of a sad read and middle-class pity. I’m over it. It’s become a kind of lazy media rhetoric. It doesn’t tell people’s whole stories. It certainly doesn’t tell the story of the political class that has robbed people of wages and services. And that is my point. There is nothing pathetic about the people whose stories I’ve posted below. They are simply people who, like most people, made the terminal mistake of not being born to immense privilege and of living in an era where that mistake can destroy you if you require a wage and public services. Continue reading

Expendable people: the truth about US workfare. And some interviews with long-unemployed people.

With the appalling Iain Duncan Smith and George Osborne due to force the long-term unemployed into US-style workfare (compulsory attendance at unpaid jobs in “return” for benefits), I thought I’d post a few truths about workfare as it has unfolded in the US.

A couple of years ago, I did some reporting on US workfare with Community Voices Heard, a New York member-based group made up of people on low incomes and workfare, and John Krinsky, associate professor and political science department chair at the City College of New York City, and the author of Free Labor: Workfare and the Contested Language of Neoliberalism. I learned enough from that to know that Osborne and IDS’ plan is entirely unsubstantiated and cheaply populist. Of course – that goes for most of his plans, but this one is something else and should be twatted out of the park.

Let’s have a few facts, then. The fact is that neither Osborne nor IDS plan to help people into work (or to improve wages, or work term and conditions, for that matter) – the rubbish results of his work programme tell you that already. They plan only to make life even harder for people who are out of work and to pull off a few Daily Mail headlines at their expense. That’s the only reason that anyone would base their plans on the American experience. It isn’t about improving lives. It is about scoring cheap electoral points off a group of people who politicians see as easy targets. I’ve posted a few interviews with people who are in that category at the end of this blog. Continue reading

Jobcentre meltdown and bans. What a mess.

It’s hardly surprising to hear that the tension is bad at jobcentres. Lengthy and ridiculous benefit sanctions, pointless courses and workfare placements that go nowhere – it’s no wonder that people are getting really, really angry.

Birmingham Against Cuts had a story recently about a man who smashed windows at the Sparkhill jobcentre after being sanctioned.

The Manchester Evening News has a story today about a man who set fire to phones in a jobcentre in the hope that he’d be arrested and given something to eat when in police custody.

And last week, I visited a few people in Bracknell who told me they and people they knew had been banned from their jobcentre for complaining about the centre and their workfare provider.

The jobcentre ban notices (which are not signed by a named officer) said they were banned for verbal and written abuse and behaviour “which was totally unacceptable” (no further details on that appear in the correspondence). The people in question denied the charges in the letters. More to the point – and this is the key point, whether we’re talking Bracknell, or wherever – they felt that they had little recourse. They said that they had nowhere to go to appeal those bans. They’d been issued with ban notices by London lawyers (I have copies of these) and then the jobcentre (I have those as well) and told to appear at another job centre for their fortnightly JSA interviews. That was the end of that.

Except that it’s not. Iain Duncan Smith has clearly decided to leave claimants and jobcentre staff to their hell together, to fight it out themselves. This can surely only get worse. As Birmingham Against The Cuts observes, people are dealing with increasingly lengthy sanctions and ridiculous reasons for them – absurd sanctions handed out by stressed staff who are under pressure to meet cruel targets. No wonder things kick off. What do people expect?

As for bans – heavy. And one-sided. I’ve got papers here which threaten Asbos and injunctions and costs if bans are broken. Wonder what happens if you disagree. Which you might. Of course jobcentre workers shouldn’t be abused – but there are always two sides to a story. These are tense times, as I’ve said. Isn’t it possible for frustration, anger and persistence to be interpreted as abuse? Can’t perspectives on a heated incident differ? Couldn’t jobcentres ban people who simply persist with a complaint and refuse to give up the fight for their money? Couldn’t bans be used to shut people up? (The DWP said, simply, that it banned people “who posed a threat” and that “we do not issue bans lightly.” I’d be interested to know if people think that’s the case. Certainly, the various people I’ve spoken to about this have issues with it).

And if someone disagrees with a ban, shouldn’t they at least be able to appeal that decision? Because if they can’t, or don’t know that they can, then the equation is not equal. So I asked the DWP about this as well. I tried to ask Bracknell jobcentre first, but kept getting bounced back to the DWP. Their advice seemed to be that anyone who disagreed with a ban would need to fork out for a lawyer – “they can seek legal advice – and additionally they could follow our complaints process if they disagree with the methods we adopt – but as a legal request the ban would stand, unless contested legally.” So – you’re sanctioned, you’re banned and you must find money for a lawyer. You’re hardly in a position to do that.

What a bloody mess. I can only imagine that IDS enjoys it – this power to throw people into a tinderbox and chuck in a match. Only a truly evil prick would foster that.

No discretionary housing payment for you this time around #bedroomtax

Latest article with Jo here. She’s from Speke and I’ve been in contact with her about the bedroom tax for most of this year (visited her house in June to write this article):

“Been sent this letter by Jo.

Jo lives in Speke in a two-bedroom housing association flat. She’s lived in that flat for about 13 years. She was moved to her current flat so she could care for her elderly mother who lives nearby. Jo is disabled herself and on employment and support allowance. She has one small “spare” room for which she must pay the bedroom tax.

When the bedroom tax began, she knew that she’d struggle to pay for that “spare” bedroom out of her small benefit. So she applied to Liverpool City Council for a discretionary housing payment. That was in April. She was awarded a DHP of about £11 a week which was paid directly to her housing association (the South Liverpool Housing Group) to cover the bedroom tax.

The problem is that Jo’s DHP award was only for six months (DHPs are time-limited) and it has just run out. She applied for another DHP a couple of weeks ago, but was turned down. So now she’ll have to pay the bedroom tax herself. “A discretionary housing payment is not a long term solution for assistance with your rent shortfall,” the council says.”

Read the rest here.

Letters Jo received from Liverpool City Council saying her application for DHP had been turned down are here:

First page
Second page

Chris Huhne, rehabilitated. Too bad for everyone else.

A few thoughts on the return of Chris Huhne – and a few of the people I’ve met who’d love to be welcomed into genteel society as warmly as Chris, but never will be:

The appearance of Chris Huhne’s weekly column is now a serious irritation. He is a crook, a liar and a cheat. His greatest talent is blaming others for all of that. I thought him surplus to most requirements, if I thought about him at all.

But suddenly, here he is every week – back in and cosy with the political and media classes, and rubbing everyone else’s nose in his fast-turnaround rehabilitation. I’ve tried to ignore it, but at the same time can’t stand it. I first assumed that his column was a one-off pressed ham to us all. Now, it seems that the Guardian means to go on with it.

Every week for three weeks, Huhne has been back. He’s been back again today – looking as smug as he is shameless, and sitting before us as evidence (like we needed more) that the political class believes there is one set of rules for us and one set of rules for the self-appointed elite. And that it’s fine to flaunt that, etc.

This disparity is winding me up, I have to say. It’s everywhere and it is vile. It is beneath everyone, except the people who are pushing it. It’s a poison that taints us all. But ho hum and on it goes. If you’re without money, or connections, you’re benefit scrounging scum. If you’re Chris Huhne, you’re Our Guy. If you’re on a benefit and earn a few extra bob on the side as a cleaner to make ends meet (as people I’ve interviewed have), the director of public prosecutions will say that you should be locked up for ten years. If, on the other hand, you’re the CE of a profit-making company who can’t handle the thought of paying tax, PwC will relieve your pain by telling you to pretend that you’re domiciled elsewhere (see Panorama for more on this and/or the latest edition of Private Eye). And if you’re Chris Huhne, you can skulk out of prison and present yourself as an inspiration to anyone from the monied classes who has fallen (spectacularly) from grace, but was born and raised to expect to rejoin the fold.

And if you’re not Chris Huhne, you can get stuffed. That’s the part that gets me.

So.

Continue reading

Councils using zero hours, casual staff and the work programme

This post is now also over here

Post updated 7 October with more responses

Post updated 22 September with more responses

This post lists the results of an FOI I recently sent to councils to get a rough idea of how many people councils employed on zero hours contracts or zero hours-type working arrangements and how many councils were using the work programme. When I was writing several years ago about workfare in the US, I found that Rudy Guiliani had replaced paid and unionised public sector workers with people on New York’s workfare programme to cut wage budgets. It’s worth keeping an eye on trends here as large numbers of paid staff are cut from the public sector. I’m also interested in the number of casual staff that councils use.

The numbers in this post are basic and I post them as a rough guide. Other people may want to use them as a starting-point for asking for more questions about employment arrangements at their local authorities and in different services provided by their authorities. It’s definitely interesting to note the sorts of jobs that people must work on zero hour terms and/or as casual workers. This is a complex area: councils outsource a lot of services and workers, and employ a variety of people, including full-time employees, part-time permanent staff, short and long term contractors, agency staff (some of whom stay for significant periods) and a lot of casual staff (people who work when required). Some arrangements for casual staff aren’t really too different from zero hours working, but you’ll see councils below arguing that the difference is substantial because people working on casual arrangements aren’t on call as such and are free to pursue other work. In fact, there’s plenty of room for unscrupulous employer behaviour in both and there’s plenty of that around. Continue reading

Capita, Serco, G4S, government and the rise and rise of electronic tagging

Updates at the end of this post.

I rarely use the words “fascinating” and “press release” in the same sentence, but:

This fascinating press release appeared on the Capita website recently: “Capita [is the] preferred bidder for electronic monitoring contract.”

So.

It seems that Capita has positioned itself (with three other companies) to take over the dire electronic tagging system run by Serco and G4S for the Ministry of Justice. By “dire,” I mean “very likely fraudulent”: Serco and G4S were recently slammed by PriceWaterhouseCoopers for charging the taxpayer tens of millions of pounds for people they claimed to have tagged, but who turned out to be dead or incarcerated. Serco will participate in an independent “forensic audit” as a result. G4S won’t: according to the MOJ, they told Grayling No and were referred to the SFO. G4S, amazingly, told Robert Peston that it opted to call in the SFO itself. I am not sure what the real situation is there. All I know is that we get to keep paying for it.

And paying for it. We now have Capita as preferred bidder for a large electronic monitoring contract. Unfortunately, it is a contract that sets many alarms off itself. Chief among these Capita’s plan to make £400m in its first six years of the contract and its reluctance to explain in detail (to me anyway) exactly how it proposes to do that. I hope that they have decided against targeting the dead. Of even greater concern, though, is the extent to which they apparently plan to target and tag the living. Their press release says that the £400m in those first six years will be generated on the basis of an “anticipated increase in the use of tags beyond the current numbers of monitored individuals.” Early days, I know, but £400m is a lot of money, so we’re surely talking a lot of monitored individuals.

I’m going back and forwards with the MOJ at the moment for more on who exactly the ministry proposes to tag and how long for when we’re talking offenders and/or ex-offenders: the press release they sent speaks, vaguely, of “tracking the movement of offenders in the community,” “delivering swifter justice,” “tracking offenders wherever they go 24 hours a day,” (in another call, the MOJ says that’s an advantage of the new technology it expects to be provided) and stopping “paedophiles hanging around” at school gates. Napo offers more details in its take: Napo said last year that as government dramatically increased the number of people it tagged, “it was envisaged that tagging would be a condition of all community orders. Currently around 35,000 offenders are tagged for up to 12 hours and for a maximum of six months, either as a condition of a community order, or early release from prison on Home Detention Curfew. This has risen hugely over a 15-year period from a few hundred individuals tagged per year to the current level of tens of thousands. Under the government scheme, the number tagged could rise 180,000 or even more, an increase therefore of six-fold.”

So there’s that.

I also wonder if several hundred million quid’s worth of tagging will go beyond the offenders and ex-offenders that Chris Grayling seems so obsessed with tagging and tracking long after they are released from jail (I don’t personally believe the tagging of people in those categories should be accepted as written, either – but more on that later. The MOJ says that the length of time on a tag will be decided by judges).

I think that it will. Capita certainly sees a market beyond so-called justice and the MOJ. Like Serco and G4S, Capita thinks big. Certainly, Capita thinks a lot bigger than Grayling. You could go as far to say that Capita sees the MOJ contract as a launching-pad for the real projectile – an enormous net to sling across the public sector and people who use it, and then, it would seem, the entire world. You wouldn’t have to be a wild conspiracy type to reach that conclusion, either. Just go back to that Capita press release. It’s fascinating, as I say. “Further significant growth is expected through the expansion of services to other government departments and agencies.” (my emphasis). “Capita will work with the MOJ to promote the intellectual property which underpins the service internationally, generating further growth.” “The service has been designed to enable other government bodies – for example, the probation services, the NHS and social care agencies, to procure related services.” (my emphasis).

I wonder about all of this, you know. Who are the people that the government and/or Capita (I’m not entirely sure which is which or who is who any more) really plan to tag as this golden future unfolds? Are they thousands of ex-offenders who have served their time, but who Grayling decides need a further kicking, for political gain at least? Are they the people who were once served by the probation service that Grayling is in the process of privatising and destroying? Where is this all meant to end?

And what does Capita mean when it talks about “enabling” social care agencies and the NHS and other government bodies with this sort of technology? Are they thinking, say, of replacing paid care staff with a tag? Will this tagged population include people who are in and out of hospital with serious mental health conditions, but whose services have been cut and who have nowhere to go and nobody to help if there are times when they become disoriented? And what about people who the government is already after? Will we see pre-emptive tagging of people who are known (and entitled, by the way) to attend anti-government protests, or who plan to disrupt, say, a royal wedding? What about people on the work programme, even? Does the government fancy a future where it can tag people who claim benefits – and sanction anyone who steps away from Jobmatch for ten minutes? I wonder about these things.

So I asked Capita for details. That went about as well as I expected it to. Capita said talk to the MOJ. The MOJ, needless to say, said talk to Capita. Then, the MOJ rang me thinking I was Capita. Trying to recover from this error, the MOJ told me to ring the Department of Health about people who might be tagged through the health system. I told the MOJ to ring Capita and tell Capita to tell me which groups of people it was basing its projections on. Am now waiting for Capita to ring and tell me to go back to the MOJ, the Department of Health, the DWP and every council out there that still has social services, to ask what Capita has in mind for their client groups. This will probably go on until I’m dead.

In the meantime, it’s worth having a think. I think, for example, of the woman I spoke to for this article who had a long-term schizophrenia diagnoses and alcoholism, and who’d been in and out of hospital, and who’d been able to live an independent life in a supported living hostel. The hostel was staffed around the clock. People who lived there came and went freely, but were able to contact staff if they got disoriented, or lost, or if abusers were following them, or trying to get into the building. That hostel was closed down though, as was another in the same borough. The woman I spoke to was terrified of being placed in low-support accommodation, or a B&B because she’d been abused in such places before. And she’d wandered before and often got lost and confused when she was drinking. She liked the hostel and had good relationships with staff. She certainly liked the arrangement better than the alternative – which was being cast adrift completely. Is she the sort of person who would be tagged in future – someone no longer thought worthy of decent services or decent accommodation, but to be kept track of in a basic way?

And what about other people who are losing services? I think about a story I did in Ealing earlier this year. I spent a lot of time talking to Ealing people with learning difficulties and their families about council plans to cut their training-to-work centre and the support staff who worked there. The people who used the centre would get nothing as a replacement: Ealing council no longer allocates funding to people with “moderate” needs. The thing was – safety was an issue. One mother of a 28-year-old man who attended that centre kept telling me that she appreciated the centre because she knew her son was safe there. Out on the streets on his own, he got picked on, robbed and, often, just lost. The thing was – he would be on his own if the centre was closed, because he’d be given little or nothing to replace it, or to pay for personal assistants or support. His mother could pay for a mentor to accompany him sometimes, but could only afford one day a week. So in future – will she and families of people with even more substantial needs whose care will undoubtedly be cut, be told their best and only option is a tag? Is the future of social care a world where, instead of proper funding for independent living, money is given to the likes of Capita to tag people and update their families with their basic positioning?

That issue that has long been debated, of course. There’s been much discussion, for example, about the ethics of tagging of people with dementia, who do sometimes become disoriented or lost: “of the 700,000 people in Britain with some form of dementia, up to 60% occasionally felt compelled to walk away from home without knowing how or where to return,” the Alzheimer’s Society told the Guardian some time ago in a debate on the topic. Some people welcomed the technology, saying it gave them greater freedom in the earlier stages of their conditions. But, as you can see from that story, there was and is concern that the technology infringed on human rights and that it would be used in place of high-quality care and personal assistants – a concern that must be even more pressing now as social care budgets disappear.

In my experience, too, people want human contact as well as technology. I’ll be written off as a wet hippie for saying that, but it really is true. People make that sort of point all the time when you talk with them. Another story: several years ago, Barnet council announced that it would remove onsite wardens from sheltered housing flats in the borough. One of the justifications for this plan (which was very unpopular with sheltered housing residents) was that the elderly people in those flats had alarms and electronic means of summonsing help if they needed it. But the elderly people who turned out at Hendon Town Hall to protest the cut did not have faith in those alarms. They said no button or alarm would compensate for having a real person onsite to check in with, or to alert when someone was feeling unwell.

No technology is entirely dependable. Tagging technology certainly isn’t. Napo, which is battling the privatisation of probation services as we speak, has long argued that tagging systems are unreliable and alone don’t impact on crime. Concerns listed in Napo’s 2012 paper on tagging include: faulty equipment, tags not working when people take baths or showers, people being recalled to custody unnecessarily, high-risk offenders not being monitored properly and instances where devices were never fitted. So – tagging companies are not always be brilliant at tracking and finding people who have been tagged. They are, however, brilliant at tracking and finding councillors and MPs who are willing to pay and pay for their technology. Even the Policy Exchange has raised concerns about this. As the Howard League’s Andrew Neilson reported here last year, the Policy Exchange said “that the use of electronic monitoring has been too expensive and dominated by the duopoly of Serco and G4S, leading to a lack of innovation and a use of technology that has changed little since it was first deployed in 1989.” Cost upset the Exchange: “the report estimates that electronic monitoring an individual costs £13.14 per day in England and Wales, while the equivalent in the United States was £1.22.”

So. Intriguing, as I say. Intriguing to imagine where all of this is going and who will end up tagging whom. Capita obviously thinks the sky is the limit. CE Paul Pindar freely admits in his press release that “when fully live, this is expected to be the largest, single and most advanced ‘tagging’ system in the world.”

He also says that the thing will be run “to the highest possible standards of governance and transparency.” That’s an intriguing claim as well. I’m guessing that Paul doesn’t realising that he’s the CE of the company that recently put the translation service in meltdown, or brought us the black hole that is Service Birmingham (where transparency is such a problem that a sub-committee was recently set up for councillors who publicly admitted they did not know how much money the council was paying Capita via Service Birmingham), and the Sefton council debacle (Sefton is cutting short a £65m contract with Capita, because it has failed to deliver savings). There are times when I think that the only people round here who really need tagging are the ones from these companies who keep visiting council and government buildings and leaving with blank cheques.

Update September 17:

In other news, the Lib Dems announced today a policy to provide free school lunches. Only last week, Capita announced that it was now in school lunches. I simply observe that I will watch with interest to see who provides lunches.

Also, Capita had said that it would be all right for me to attend this workfare conference, but yesterday wrote to say that there would be no press pass allowance at the event after all.